Quad 3.0 Shifts Focus to Hard Security in Indo-Pacific

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On 1 July, the foreign ministers of the Quad—Australia, India, Japan, and the US—met in Washington, DC, for the second time this year. While the first meeting, held hours after Donald Trump’s inauguration as the 47th US president, signaled the Quad’s importance to the new administration, the second indicates the Quad is entering a new phase with a renewed focus on a strategic, hard security agenda, moving away from non-traditional security priorities. This marks a departure from previous versions: the first Quad, which collapsed in 2007, focused on humanitarian assistance and disaster relief (HADR), and Quad 2.0, reinstated in 2017, gradually developed a broad public goods agenda.

The joint statement after the January 2025 meeting was unusually cautious. The group reaffirmed their “shared commitment to strengthening a Free and Open Indo-Pacific where the rule of law, democratic values, sovereignty, and territorial integrity are upheld and defended.” Without naming China explicitly, the ministers opposed “any unilateral actions” that might seek to alter “the status quo by force or coercion” in the Indo-Pacific. China responded through its Foreign Ministry spokesperson Mao Ning, stating, “China’s activities in relevant waters are lawful, legitimate and completely justified.”

In the 1 July statement, the Quad reiterated opposition to unilateral actions aimed at changing the regional “status quo by force or coercion,” a phrase used multiple times. They emphasized their commitment to defending the rule of law, sovereignty, and territorial integrity, underlining the maritime domain’s importance for regional security and prosperity—implying stern caution toward China’s maritime activities.

Though China was not mentioned by name, the statement expressed concerns over the East and South China Seas, including interference with offshore resource development, obstruction of navigation and overflight freedoms, and dangerous maneuvers by military and coast guard vessels, such as unsafe use of water cannons and ramming actions. The Quad called these actions dangerous and provocative, threatening peace and stability.

The ministers condemned North Korea’s ballistic missile launches, nuclear pursuits, and cyber activities, including cryptocurrency theft. They urged all UN Member States to enforce sanctions prohibiting arms transfers to North Korea. In a veiled reference to China and Russia, the Quad expressed concern over countries deepening military cooperation with North Korea, undermining the global nonproliferation regime.

The meeting reiterated cooperative measures to enhance maritime and regional security, promote economic prosperity, and secure critical and emerging technology supply chains. The Quad launched the Critical Minerals Initiative to diversify mineral supply chains amid concerns about China’s growing dominance. The group insisted on a diversified, reliable supply chain to avoid coercion or price monopolies by “one country.” China had yet to respond to these remarks.

The Quad also emphasized strengthening maritime law enforcement through training, legal dialogues, and Coast Guard cooperation, countering China’s belligerence in Indo-Pacific waters. They reaffirmed the 2016 Arbitral Tribunal ruling dismissing China’s “historic rights” claims in the South China Sea as invalid, citing it as the basis for peaceful conflict resolution.

Despite focusing on hard security, the Quad reaffirmed commitment to humanitarian assistance and emergency response across the Indo-Pacific, raising over USD 30 million for victims of the March 2025 Myanmar earthquake. They announced the first field exercise under the Quad Indo-Pacific Logistics Network and confirmed the launch of the Quad Ports of the Future Partnership later this year, keeping public goods on the agenda.

However, the non-security agenda is narrowing. Notably absent was mention of climate initiatives like the Quad Climate Change Adaptation and Mitigation Package (Q-CHAMP) established in 2022. This package includes climate services, agricultural missions, disaster resilience coalitions, and shipping taskforces aimed at assisting vulnerable island states with climate challenges. It remains unclear whether these missions or the Climate Working Group will continue.

The new Quad, under the second Trump administration, prioritizes hard security, with remaining non-traditional efforts driven by strategic calculations. Some observers welcome this shift, but it’s important to remember the group’s complexity and the challenges in uniting political will, especially given India’s reluctance for direct China confrontation, Japan’s and Australia’s economic ties to China, and unpredictable US foreign policy.

The Quad must balance realpolitik with its original mission to secure a free, open, and inclusive Indo-Pacific, continuing to address vulnerable populations’ needs. How the Quad evolves under the new US administration and whether the other partners sustain public goods efforts remains to be seen.